Press Release: Wear Black to Show Sympathy and Support for the People of Gaza

[People in Beit Hanoun in Gaza using the 72-hour ceasefire to return to their homes and to retrieve the dead. Image by Boris Niehaus.] [People in Beit Hanoun in Gaza using the 72-hour ceasefire to return to their homes and to retrieve the dead. Image by Boris Niehaus.]

Press Release: Wear Black to Show Sympathy and Support for the People of Gaza

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[This press release was issued by a coalition of Palestinian women’s groups including the Palestinian Working Women’s Society for Development, Hedaya Shamon-Gaza; Al-Tajamu’ al-Nasawi al-Maqdasi, the Women’s Legal Aid and Counseling Center, the Women Studies Center, YWCA, the Gender Studies Program-Mada al-Carmel and many others on 13 August 2014.]

“Let Gaza Live” - “End Gaza Genocide!” -“We Are All Gaza”

Act to end complicity with Israel’s massacre of Gaza. Wear black to show your sympathy and support for the people of Gaza.  Wear black to show your opposition to those who aid Israel’s accumulative genocide against the Palestinian people.  

To turn a blind eye to Israel’s massacres in Gaza today is to be complicit in Israel’s genocidal attacks against the Palestinian people. As of 2 PM on August 9th, an estimated 1,922 Palestinians have been killed -- of whom 448 are children and 235 women -- and 7,469 wounded by the Israel since July 7, 2014. At least 86% of casualties are civilians. An estimated 200,000 people are still displaced, of whom 10,000 are pregnant women. 373,000 children are estimated to require psychosocial support.  A conservative estimate of homes destroyed or damaged beyond repair is 65,000. Nineteen ambulance drivers and other medics, nine UNRWA workers and nineteen journalists are among the dead. Israel has targeted hospitals, schools, shelters, NGO offices, fishing boats, universities and mosques. It has destroyed Gaza’s only power plant and only sewage treatment system, and there is fear that sewage may contaminate drinking water. Among recorded war crimes are shooting at children and at fleeing civilians. This is not a war in which civilians are ‘collateral damage’. This is a war in which civilians are the targets. 

This war was launched by Israel after provoking Hamas through a reign of terror in the West Bank and, on June 30, killing a Hamas militant. This war was launched after Israel had systematically besieged Gaza for eight years by land, sea and air, using drones to deliver ‘targeted killings’. During the attack, Israeli forces have shot dead 18 Palestinians in the West Bank and Jerusalem, kidnapped many others, arrested over 1,000, and held 268 under administrative detention. This reign of terror must end.  We call for the right to life including ending the siege of Gaza, and prosecuting war criminals. To be silent amidst these continuous criminalities is to accept Israeli colonial violence, and to deny Palestinians the right to life. 

In the name of a coalition of Palestinian women’s groups including the Palestinian Working Women’s Society for Development, Hedaya Shamon-Gaza; Al-Tajamu’ al-Nasawi al-Maqdasi, the Women’s Legal Aid and Counseling Center, the Women Studies Center, YWCA, the Gender Studies Program-Mada al-Carmel and many others, we write to convey our deep condemnation of the continuous loss of lives, and to express our rejection of the support given by most governments to Israeli violence.   We refuse to accept violence as part of the daily lives of Palestinians in occupied Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem and elsewhere.   We are outraged by the terrorism of the Zionist settler colonial regime that positions us as disposable objects, non-human Others, a laboratory for testing new technologies of killing.

Today in Gaza and throughout historic Palestine, we re-experience the annihilation of our future, our right to self-determination and right to life. The United States Senate supports the attack and the U.S. government re-supplies Israel with arms in the midst of the massacre. Several Arab governments – notably Egypt and Saudi Arabia – are complicit in the attack. Even UN president Ban Ki Moon reflects the lie of equal blame. We commend the few governments such as Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Nicaragua that have reacted with anger at Israel’s 3rd Gaza war. We insist on our right to resist the settler colonial regime, and assert our inherent right of self defense for our children, families and communities.

 

Our hope for the future and love of life fuel our struggle against continuous injustice. We call upon the people of the world to demonstrate their solidarity with the people of Gaza and their outrage at the complicity of governments.  Wear black for Gaza on public occasions such as demonstrations, sit-ins, teach-ins, lectures, local and national election campaigns. Make your support and anger visible. Speak back, write, educate, build coalitions, activate potential resources, and support life and freedom. Join the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Act against world powers to secure a future of security and dignity for the Palestinian of Gaza and for all Palestinians.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412